Thursday, 17 May 2018

IT WAS MORE OF A TUNAMI THAN A TSUNAMI, Y.B. DR. ONG KIAN MING! - Re: (17 May 2018) GE14 – A truly Malaysian Tsunami

Dear Y.B. Dr. Ong Kian Ming,

Thanks for your commentary. However, you seem to ignore economic factors, especially  since the 2013 general elections, which had burdened all Malaysians from the urban centres to the most remote rural villages, the rural and semi-rural areas having delivered the number of seats in parliament in the past, thus enabling Alliance, then BN to rule continuously in the 61 years since Malaya achieved independence.

Prices of goods in the stores had been rising, even before the introduction of the GST on 1 April 2015, which added to the burden, especially upon the lower income group, many of whom were traditionally UMNO/BN voters. I recall a time when a can of Ayam brand tuna costs RM3.60 and today it costs around RM6.00.

I have heard accounts of rural people complaining to Mahathir that where they previously could afford to eat three meals a day, now they can afford only two a day, and they looked towards him winning as enabling relief of their plight.

History testifies that dire economic conditions is the stuff which has driven revolutions - such as the French and Russian Revolutions of February and October 1917.

Dire economic conditions upon the people, also drove the electoral victory of the Fascists in Italy and the National Socialists in Germany, whilst tough economic conditions drove the fall or Marcos, the fall of Soeharto, the Arab Spring uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, more recently the rise of the populist far right in Europe, the election of Donald Trump and now the Pakatan victory in Malaysia.

Also in Malaysia, the grievances of the FELDA settlers drove many of them to vote against the BN.

Thus despite the redelineation of electoral boundaries which would have favoured the BN under more normal conditions, however in GE14, the pain of economic burdens drove those who traditionally had voted UMNO/BN instead voted Pakatan.

Then, let us not forget what I call the "Mahathir Effect", where Mahathir loyalists amongst UMNO voters would vote BN when Mahathir was in UMNO/BN but now that his party Pribumi is part of Pakatan, they voted Pribumi, or for the candidate of another Pakatan party where Pribumi did not stand.

The Mahathir Effect basically split the UMNO/BN vote, thus enabling Pakatan candidates to win the seats contested, many of them with the largest minority of votes in their constituency, for example Dr. Haniza Talhar of PKR who won Lembah Jaya with the largest minority of votes.

Credit must also be given to Mahathir and Rafizi Ramli for going down and campaigning in UMNO/BN's rural heartlands.

This is in stark contrast to mostly urban and semi-rural based Pakatan politicians, especially from DAP and PKR, who appeal mostly to middle class, urban voters, with issues such as 1MDB, Altantuya, Scorpene submarines,corruption, cronyism, nepotism, press freedom, human rights, meritocracy and so forth which are not top priorities for those struggling to make ends meet.

Thus, rather than being a tsunami, the Pakatan victory in GE14 was very much a "Tunami", since without Tun Dr. Mahathir in Pakatan, you would still be in opposition post GE14 and blaming blackouts at polling stations, 40,000 Bangladeshis being flown in to vote, "ignorant" rural voters who are "easily bought off" with handouts of RM50 and so forth to vote BN.

However, that is not to say that issues such as 1MDB, Altantuya, Scorpene submarines,corruption, cronyism, nepotism, press freedom, human rights, meritocracy and so forth are not important issues. My point has always been that whilst these issues are uppermost in the minds of relatively, comfortably well off, educated, English literate, social media savvy, urban middle class voters, who seemingly have the luxury of time to discuss such issues on social media, in teh tarik and bar talk, however these issues are not top priority amongst the lower income urban and rural voters who had traditionally delivered the winning number of seats in parliament to the BN.

That said, I'm glad that our new Prime Minister Tun.Dr.Mahathir is taking action to address the above issues, though I hope that the now Pakatan federal government, as well as the Pakatan state governments will also address those issues which affect us ordinary citizens on the ground.

You guys and gals are the government now, so you had better give up your "opposition as barking watchdog" mindset and learn to govern well.


Yours trully


-----Original Message-----
From: "Dr. Ong Kian Ming, Member of Parliament for P102 Bangi" REDACTED>
Reply-to: Dr. Ong Kian Ming, Member of Parliament for P102 Bangi <REDACTED>
Subject: (17 May 2018) GE14 – A truly Malaysian Tsunami
Date: Thu, 17 May 2018 08:50:17 +0000

Media Statement by Dr. Ong Kian Ming, Assistant National Director for Political Education for the DAP and Member of Parliament for P102 Bangi, on the 17th of May, 2018

(Image Credit: Amanah Daily)

This media statement can also be read here (link)

When I returned to Malaysia from the United States after the completion of my PhD in 2010, I made a presentation where I said that the opposition was not likely to win GE13 but would take power in GE14. I must admit that even on the eve of polling day on the 9th of May, 2018, I was not 100% confident that Pakatan Harapan would be able to win a majority of parliament seats in GE14. The delimitation exercise which was bulldozed through parliament in March, the expected three corner fights with PAS, the seeming inability for the opposition to break through in Sarawak and the expected fear mongering by the BN among the Malay voters were the main reasons for my doubts.

What Najib and the BN did not count on was the creation of a Malaysian Tsunami which, to their utter shock and horror, swept the BN out of office, not just at the federal level but also in all of the states with the exception of Perlis and Pahang.[1]

BN’s share of the popular vote in Malaysia (including Sabah and Sarawak) nosedived by 12.8%, from 46.7% in GE2013 to 33.9% in GE2018 (Table 1 above). To put this figure into context, BN’s vote share in GE2018 was far lower than the 46.2% of the popular vote it (contesting as the Alliance Coalition) managed to win in Peninsular Malaysia in the 1969 general elections, which was already considered a disastrous performance.

Table 1: Share of and Change in Share of Popular Vote in Malaysia (GE2013 vs GE2018)
Pakatan Harapan emerged as the largest coalition with 48.3% of the popular vote. Some analysts have used the fact that PH failed to win a majority of votes to say that PH does not command the support of a majority of supporters in Malaysia. These same analysts also try to lump together the total support for BN and PAS to say that more than 50% of the voters did not support PH in GE2018. This interpretation totally misses the mark. The results of GE2018 was all about the backlash against the BN. 65% of voters voted AGAINST the BN and threw their support behind parties that were NOT the BN. Almost two thirds of voters in the country voted AGAINST the BN because that is how badly they wanted BN out of power at the federal and state levels.

The anti-BN swing was felt in ALL of the states in Malaysia. The largest swing against the BN occurred in Kedah where support for the BN fell by 19.8% from 49.8% in GE2013 to 30% in GE2018. Double digit swings against the BN were also experienced in Selangor, Johor, Perlis, Melaka, Negeri Sembilan, Sabah, Wilayah Persekutuan (KL & Putrajaya), Perak and Terengganu. (Figure 2 below)

In fact, the only state where the BN won more than 50% of the popular vote was in Sarawak, with 52.7% of the popular vote. (Table 2 below)
Figure 1: Change in BN support (Parliament) GE2013 to 2018
Table 2: Change in BN support (Parliament) GE2013 to 2018
Unlike in GE2013 where Malay support for the BN actually increased slightly compared to GE2008, there is no question that the Malay voters abandoned the BN in unprecedented numbers. Even many of the civil servants voted against the BN. Tengku Adnan, the former Minister for the Federal Territories, won his Putrajaya seat with only 49.5% of the popular vote in GE2018. This was a seat which he won comfortably in GE2013 with almost 70% of the popular vote.

There is strong evidence to suggest that even the police and army voters abandoned the BN in significant numbers. The four parliament seats with more than 10,000 early voters (mostly police and army voters) were all won by Pakatan Harapan (Table 3 below). Two of these seats – Setiawangsa and Tangga Batu – were won by the BN in 2013. The parliament seat of Lumut was gerrymandered to make it easier for UMNO to win back this seat. 10,000 police voters were moved into the Lembah Pantai parliament seat. Without a significant number of police and army voters NOT supporting the BN (either voting for PAS, PH, spoiling their votes or not casting their vote), PH would not have been able to win these parliament seats.
Table 3: Parliament seats with more than 10,000 early voters all of which were won by PH (GE2018)
In my own constituency of P102 Bangi, out of the 1305 postal votes which were cast (mostly army votes), 471 went to the PAS candidate (36.1%), 409 went to the myself, the PH candidate, (31.1%) and only 299 went to the BN candidate (22.9%). I was shocked when I saw these results. I won’t be surprised if the results in many of the other seats with a high number of postal and early voters also shows that a significant proportion of the army and police votes were cast NOT in support of the BN.

Pakatan Harapan performed very well in the ethnically mixed or ‘heterogeneous’ parliament seats. These are seats where no one race comprises more than 70% of the electorate. Out of the 83 mixed parliament seats, Pakatan Harapan won 73 or 88% with BN winning the remaining 10 (UMNO 7, MIC 2 and MCA 1). PAS did not win a single ethnically mixed parliament seat. These constituencies have become and will become increasingly important in Malaysia’s electoral landscape with increasing migration to urban areas. If the constituency delimitation were done fairly, such mixed seats would easily comprise 60% to 70% of total parliament seats in Peninsular Malaysia. Only a coalition with the ability to win the support of all the ethnic groups can hope to win such seats.

Last but not least, this Malaysian tsunami could not have happened without the voters in Sabah and Sarawak. While I was confident that Warisan together with DAP and PKR would make headway in Sabah, I did not imagine that PH together with Warisan would win 14 out of 26 parliament seats as well as 29 out of 60 state seats in Sabah.[2] What was more unexpected was the fact that the opposition would capture 12 out of 31 parliament seats in Sarawak[3] including a few semi-rural and rural seats such as Mas Gasing, Puncak Borneo, Saratok and Selangau.

With urban and rural voters, Malay and non-Malay voters, Peninsular Malaysia and East Malaysian voters, the civil service, the police and the army all rejecting the BN in record numbers, history was made and for the first time in 61 years, Malaysia has a new federal government. The question now is whether Pakatan Harapan can hold on to these gains and expand our influence to places where we performed poorly in notably Kelantan and Terengganu. But that is for another statement. For now, the focus for PH is to deliver on our manifesto promises and show that voters that we are a government which can truly deliver for the people.  

Copyright © 2018 Democratic Action Party, All rights reserved. 

Thursday, 10 May 2018


Congratulations to Pakatan Harapan for winning the 14th General Elections and forming the Federal Government, and congrats to Tun Dr. Mahathir on his comeback as Malaysia's Prime Minister.

This is a New Dawn for Malaysia which I never expected to see during my lifetime.

Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir has made a comeback as Malaysia's seventh and first Pakatan Prime Minister, thus confirming that Pakatan Harapan will form Malaysia's next federal government.

The YDP Agong (the King) swore Mahathir in as Prime Minister at 9.30pm on 10th May 2018, after the palace had consulted with leaders of the various Pakatan parties as to their acceptance of Mahathir as PM.

Mahathir went to the Palace at 5.00pm on 10 May 2018 for the swearing in ceremony but there was no news of his swearing in on TV, so people began to get suspicious and there was plenty speculation, suspicions and allegations on social media that the palace was delaying or blocking his premiership.

However, the reason was that Barisan Nasional is officially registered as a political coalition with the Elections Commission, which had made it easy for the Palace to accept the candidate put forward by the coalition as Prime Minister,  whilst Pakatan Harapan is an unofficial pact between parties, so each member party had to be consulted before Mahathir's choice as Prime Minister could be accepted by the Palace.

Below is the a press release by the National Palace explaining the delay and confirming that Mahathir would be sworn in at 9.30pm on 10 May 2018.
(If you cannot see the embedded images, please enable 'view images' in your e-mail client)

Mahathir was finally sworn in as seen in this Star TV2 video
"It's official! Tun M sworn in as 7th Prime Minister"

The Star also reported on Mahathir's first press conference after being sworn in as PM.

Pakatan to meet on Cabinet lineup, says Dr M, while promising 'heads will roll' - Nation

by tarrence tan and victoria brown 

PETALING JAYA: Newly-minted Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad says Pakatan Harapan will be discussing its Cabinet lineup on Friday, while promising "some heads will roll".

At his first press conference as Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir vowed that the heads of certain government departments will fall.

"The heads of certain departments must fall. We find that some people are aiding and abetting the former prime minister who was described by the world as 'kleptocrat'," he said told a press conference at a hotel here Thursday (May 10) night.

He said he would be convening a Pakatan presidential council meeting on Friday (May 11) to discuss the new Cabinet lineup.

"Tomorrow, there is a holiday. But I will not take any holiday.

"Tomorrow we'll have a meeting because we need to discuss the formation of the Cabinet," he said.

Dr Mahathir said that the meeting would consider all the views of Pakatan component parties on a number of issues, which includes policy decisions.

"It will be a very busy time. I will not be going back at 4am. I normally go back at 6am. But, maybe I'll have to extend to 7am," he quipped.

At a press conference earlier Thursday, Dr Mahathir said he would appoint PKR president Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail as deputy prime minister once he is sworn in.

Dr Mahathir also said that the Pakatan-led Federal Government would review previous charges on political leaders, as some of these charges could have been politically motivated.

"We need to look if there is a case. If there is no case, we want to see how we can look at these cases based on the laws of the country."

He also said the new administration would review laws that are oppressive and unfair.

Earlier Thursday, Dr Mahathir was officially sworn in as Malaysia's seventh Prime Minister.

He took his oath of office before Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Muhammad V at the Istana Negara at 9.57pm.

The 93-year-old was accompanied by his wife Tun Dr Siti Hasmah, Dr Wan Azizah, DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng, Parti Amanah Negara president Mohamad Sabu, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar.

You may also want to check out Malaysiakini's guide to the victory.

KiniGuide: GE14 numbers - what it means for BN, Harapan and PAS?

GE14 | A new government, comprising a coalition of perhaps five parties, is set to be sworn into Putrajaya.

The main part of this coalition is Pakatan Harapan, which comprises PKR, DAP, Bersatu and Amanah, and the Sabah-based Warisan.

At the conclusion of the 14th general election, PKR won 47 seats, DAP 42 seats, Bersatu 13 seats, Amanah 11 seats and Warisan eight seats.

In total they make up 121 parliamentary seats, enough to form a stable government. If the PKR-backed Batu MP P Prabakaran is counted, the number climbs to 122.

There are also three other players. One is independent Julau MP Larry Sng, who won due to an informal deal with Harapan which saw the coalition giving way to him for a direct fight against PRS.

The other is independent Lubok Antu MP Tambat @ Jugah Muyang, who pulled off a surprise win against PKR and BN.

The third is Jeffrey Gapari Kitingan, who is part of Star, which may form a coalition government with Harapan and Warisan in Sabah due to a hung assembly.

If these three join forces with Harapan at the federal level, then the coalition's number can be as high as 125 seats.

What does it mean for Harapan?

For one, PKR has emerged as the largest party of Harapan. This would allow the coalition to dispel the often repeated claim by BN that it was "dominated" by DAP.

PKR's big boost in the parliamentary seats it won was largely due to the party contesting in mixed seats. 

A Malay wave of revolt coupled with strong Chinese support helped PKR to gain additional 17 parliamentary seats compared to the last general election.

While Bersatu and Amanah also rode on the Malay wave, they typically contested in seats which have big Malay majorities.

However, with fewer anti-establishment Chinese voters in such constituencies, they could not sufficiently mitigate the PAS factor.

What does it mean for BN?

BN won a total of 79 parliamentary seats in the 14th general election.

In Peninsular Malaysia, BN is almost non-existent apart from Umno, which captured 47 seats here.

The MCA saw its seven parliamentary seats reduced to one.

MCA deputy president Wee Ka Siong became the party's sole MP.

Meanwhile, the MIC's parliamentary seats were halved from four to two while Gerakan was wiped out. 

The two MIC seats were won by M Saravanan in Tapah and C Sivarraajh in Cameron Highlands.

All three party heads, namely MCA president Liow Tiong Lai, MIC president S Subramaniam, and Gerakan president Mah Siew Keong were defeated.

Their defeat will likely see a renewed period of uncertainty in the BN component parties and possible internal transition of power favouring the few who survived the general election.

In Sarawak, Umno does not exist, as BN there is led by PBB.

The breakdown of seats in Sarawak after the 14th general election is PBB 13, SUPP 1, PRS 3 and PDP 2.

In Sabah, Umno has seven seats, however, its partners there have also been severely weakened, with PBS, Upko and PBRS all only winning one seat each.

With BN severely weakened and almost reduced to only Umno, it remains to be seen if its East Malaysian component parties will remain in the coalition.

The formation of a new East Malaysia coalition cannot be ruled out.

The outcome of the general election could see a realignment of parties and possible mergers.

What does it mean for PAS?

In the run-up to the general election, Harapan had been touting a "Malay Tsunami" while PAS touted a "Green Tsunami".

Both sides were to some extent right, as Harapan swept the west coast while PAS swept the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia.

BN lose a substantial number of voters to Harapan and PAS, with one getting more than the other depending on states.

PAS remains a relevant force, having won 18 parliamentary seats and is a kingmaker in Perak where there is a hung assembly.

Prior to the general election, there had been many overtures between PAS and BN with talks of forming a Malay Muslim-only government.

Following the general election, even if BN and PAS were to join forces at the federal level, they will only have 97 seats, which is not enough to form the government.

And even if Bersatu decides to recombine with Umno, which is unlikely as it has already won power, the three parties would have a total of 110 parliamentary seats - two short of a majority.

Furthermore, a mono-ethnic, mono-religious coalition will not be acceptable to East Malaysian parties, which could quit the BN as a result.

What's the popular vote in GE14?

According to preliminary data, no single party garnered more than half of the popular vote due to widespread multi-cornered fight.

The preliminary calculation showed Harapan won around 45 percent of the popular vote followed by BN with 32 percent and PAS by 16 percent.

The remaining was won by other smaller parties or independents.

Pakatan Harapan comprises four parties in Peninsular Malaysia, an independent winner and Warisan (Sabah Heritage Party) in Sabah.

Formerly the Alliance Party, Barisan Nasional in Peninsular Malaysia has seen its MCA member win only one seat, whilst its MIC member won two. Gerakan and PPP got no seats. The rest of BN members are in Sabah & Sarawak, so UMNO is the dominant BN member in Peninsular Malaysia.

Pakatan's ethnic representation is much better balanced than BN's.

So we hopefully will be able to look forward to improved inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations under Pakatan.

However, the road ahead will not be smooth sailing for the Pakatan government, especially in the face of external economic factors which may impact upon Malaysia.

There's also plenty of undoing of undesirable legacies left behind by past BN rule.

Also, at our local level, we will still have to continue to push and shove our Pakatan elected representatives to act upon local matters affecting us.

Fortunately, our very helpful and supportive Selangor State Assemblyman, Y.B. Rajiv Rishyakaran of Pakatan/DAP, successfully defended his Bukit Gasing state constituency whilst Maria Chin, running for office for her first time, successfully defended our Petaling Jaya federal constituency (formerly Petaling Jaya Selatan or 'Petaling Jaya South' in English) for Pakatan/PKR to become our Member of Parliament. In this general elections, all candidates of Pakatan member parties in Peninsular Malaysia contested under the banner and logo of Pakatan member party PKR (People's Justice Party)

So now they have no more excuses that as Pakatan state assemblymen or assemblywomen, their abilities to act for us are limited by the Barisan Nasional federal government, since Pakatan now also is the federal government.

Meanwhile, Pakatan won 51 of the 56 seats in the Selangor State Assembly - a landslide win. The pact also won 20 of the 22 parliamentary seats in Selangor.

Pakatan also won Johor state, which was the birthplace of UMNO (United Malays National Organisation).

So now that the elections are over and Pakatan is now the federal government, it has to deliver on its election promises to the people and prove that it can govern well and serve our interests.

As for Mahathir, he was Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister for 22 years, when he ruled as a BN/UMNO Prime Minister but he recently resigned from UMNO, formed his own party Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia or 'Bersatu' or 'Pribumi' for short. During his 22 years he did much good for Malaysia but at the same time laid the foundations for much of what is wrong in Malaysia, during his time and also under his successors. He has said that if elected, he will work to undo that wrong, so it is left to be seen as to how well he will live up to that promise, now as Malaysia's seventh Prime Minister and a Pakatan Prime Minister this time round.

I grudging supported Mahathir in how he handled financial manipulation of Malaysia's currency by foreign currency speculators, especially during the Asian Economic Crisis of 1998 and by pegging the Malaysian Ringgit at RM3.80 tot he U.S. dollar, he enabled Malaysian businesses to quote for projects based upon a predictable exchange rate, since many of these projects involve imported equipment and materials which are quoted and billed in U.S. dollars.

Mahathir's move enabled Malaysia to survive the Asian Economic Crisis relatively well and by making the Ringgit inconvertible to foreign currencies outside Malaysia, Mahathir managed to fend off manipulation of the Ringgit by foreign currency speculators.

It was inconvenient for me, no doubt, especially since I travelled overseas quite often back then and had to convert my money to foreign currency before leaving Malaysia but I was willing to put up with that inconvenience.

The mid-1990s before the Asian Economic Crisis was a golden age of sorts for Malaysia's economy, with employment opportunities galore, businesses booming and a much optimism for the future in the air. However, even after the Asian Economic Crisis hit and those go go days were over, however living costs did not rise to burden the ordinary people like in recent years. Like back then, the price of a can of tuna used to cost around RM3.60 but today it costs close to RM6.00 today.

The Ringgit exchange rate was around RM2.60 to the U.S. Dollar in the mid-1990s, compared to RM3.95 today, thus making imports of finished products or components more expensive domestically.

The weak ringgit has been blamed upon the plunge in the price of Brent Crude oil in late 2014, after which which has remained between US$40 and US$50 a barrel until it rebounded in early 2017 to US$77 per barrel today and the strength of the Ringgit shows a correlation to the price of Brent Crude over these past  few year.

However, the price of Brent Crude was between US$18 and US$19 per barrel in April, May and June 1996, whilst the Ringgit was around US$2.5 to US$2.7 at the time, so this correlation appears to have not applied backthen.

I disagree with how Mahathir's Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim was treated following his fall out with Mahathir and his sacking from UMNO in 1998 and with some of the draconian measures such as the Ops Lallang detentions of political activists and opponents during Mahathir's earlier time as Prime Minister.

Mahathir was no angel back then and now that Mahathir and Anwar are allies again, hopefully Mahathir will deliver on his promise to have Anwar pardoned for his convictions sent him to jail and hopefully, they will be able to work together amicably for the sake of Malaysia and Malaysians. 

Apart from undoing the wrongs with Malaysia, one of the first things the new Mahathir-led government must do is to lower the cost of living.

I'm pretty sure that Mahathir will refocus on his pet initiatives such as the National Car and Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC Malaysia) initiative to develop Malaysia's information technology and multimedia industry. MSC Malaysia appears to have been given a lower priority during the time of Mahathir's successors, so I expect that he will now intensify the government's focus and resources on MSC Malaysia.

As for the Proton National Car project, I how that Mahathir will accept that it is very difficult especially for an relatively new automotive manufacturer from a relatively small developing country such as Malaysia to break into and competed with globally established automotive giants in a mature automotive market which has been consolidating over the past years.

When the established Swedish automotive maker AB Volvo has to sell off its Volvo Cars subsidiary to China's Geely, whilst AB Volvo focuses on trucks, buses, marine diesels, generator sets and soforth, and whilst Ford in the U.S. recently announced that it would be cutting back on its number of car models to two, whilst it focuses on producing trucks, utilities and commercial vehicles, with General Motors expected to follow soon after; this goes to show that the volume car market - essentially a consumer market, is highly saturated and no longer lucrative for these long established automotive pioneers, which are now proverbially moving up the value chain to lower volume, higher value industrial and commercial vehicles, engines and machinery, so the prospects for relatively new a volume car maker such as Proton to survive and thrive in the global volume car market, appear rather bleak, especially when Malaysia has a relatively small domestic car market.

It is for this same reason that computer equipment manufacturers and information systems suppliers such as IBM have disposed of their PC business to the likes of China's Lenovo, whilst established telecommunications giants such as Alcatel, Siemens, Ericsson and other have divested their mobile phone business to manufacturers in China, whilst they concentrate on their higher end and more lucrative telecommunications equipment business.
Therefore, letting Proton go into the hands of an volume car maker such as Geely which can sell into the huge China domestic market may be the best option to preserve the jobs of Proton workers, whilst relieving Malaysia of the burden.

Hopefully, Mahathir will consider these points moving forward.
Yours truly