Friday, 11 May 2018

CONGRATS PAKATAN AND MAHATHIR

Congratulations to Pakatan Harapan for winning the 14th General Elections and forming the Federal Government, and congrats to Tun Dr. Mahathir on his comeback as Malaysia's Prime Minister.

This is a New Dawn for Malaysia which I never expected to see during my lifetime.

Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir has made a comeback as Malaysia's seventh and first Pakatan Prime Minister, thus confirming that Pakatan Harapan will form Malaysia's next federal government.

The YDP Agong (the King) swore Mahathir in as Prime Minister at 9.30pm on 10th May 2018, after the palace had consulted with leaders of the various Pakatan parties as to their acceptance of Mahathir as PM.

Mahathir went to the Palace at 5.00pm on 10 May 2018 for the swearing in ceremony but there was no news of his swearing in on TV, so people began to get suspicious and there was plenty speculation, suspicions and allegations on social media that the palace was delaying or blocking his premiership.

However, the reason was that Barisan Nasional is officially registered as a political coalition with the Elections Commission, which had made it easy for the Palace to accept the candidate put forward by the coalition as Prime Minister,  whilst Pakatan Harapan is an unofficial pact between parties, so each member party had to be consulted before Mahathir's choice as Prime Minister could be accepted by the Palace.

Below is the a press release by the National Palace explaining the delay and confirming that Mahathir would be sworn in at 9.30pm on 10 May 2018.
(If you cannot see the embedded images, please enable 'view images' in your e-mail client)



Mahathir was finally sworn in as seen in this Star TV2 video
"It's official! Tun M sworn in as 7th Prime Minister"

The Star also reported on Mahathir's first press conference after being sworn in as PM.


Pakatan to meet on Cabinet lineup, says Dr M, while promising 'heads will roll' - Nation

by tarrence tan and victoria brown 


PETALING JAYA: Newly-minted Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad says Pakatan Harapan will be discussing its Cabinet lineup on Friday, while promising "some heads will roll".

At his first press conference as Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir vowed that the heads of certain government departments will fall.

"The heads of certain departments must fall. We find that some people are aiding and abetting the former prime minister who was described by the world as 'kleptocrat'," he said told a press conference at a hotel here Thursday (May 10) night.

He said he would be convening a Pakatan presidential council meeting on Friday (May 11) to discuss the new Cabinet lineup.

"Tomorrow, there is a holiday. But I will not take any holiday.

"Tomorrow we'll have a meeting because we need to discuss the formation of the Cabinet," he said.

Dr Mahathir said that the meeting would consider all the views of Pakatan component parties on a number of issues, which includes policy decisions.

"It will be a very busy time. I will not be going back at 4am. I normally go back at 6am. But, maybe I'll have to extend to 7am," he quipped.

At a press conference earlier Thursday, Dr Mahathir said he would appoint PKR president Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail as deputy prime minister once he is sworn in.

Dr Mahathir also said that the Pakatan-led Federal Government would review previous charges on political leaders, as some of these charges could have been politically motivated.

"We need to look if there is a case. If there is no case, we want to see how we can look at these cases based on the laws of the country."

He also said the new administration would review laws that are oppressive and unfair.

Earlier Thursday, Dr Mahathir was officially sworn in as Malaysia's seventh Prime Minister.

He took his oath of office before Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Muhammad V at the Istana Negara at 9.57pm.

The 93-year-old was accompanied by his wife Tun Dr Siti Hasmah, Dr Wan Azizah, DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng, Parti Amanah Negara president Mohamad Sabu, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar.


You may also want to check out Malaysiakini's guide to the victory.


KiniGuide: GE14 numbers - what it means for BN, Harapan and PAS?




GE14 | A new government, comprising a coalition of perhaps five parties, is set to be sworn into Putrajaya.

The main part of this coalition is Pakatan Harapan, which comprises PKR, DAP, Bersatu and Amanah, and the Sabah-based Warisan.

At the conclusion of the 14th general election, PKR won 47 seats, DAP 42 seats, Bersatu 13 seats, Amanah 11 seats and Warisan eight seats.

In total they make up 121 parliamentary seats, enough to form a stable government. If the PKR-backed Batu MP P Prabakaran is counted, the number climbs to 122.

There are also three other players. One is independent Julau MP Larry Sng, who won due to an informal deal with Harapan which saw the coalition giving way to him for a direct fight against PRS.

The other is independent Lubok Antu MP Tambat @ Jugah Muyang, who pulled off a surprise win against PKR and BN.

The third is Jeffrey Gapari Kitingan, who is part of Star, which may form a coalition government with Harapan and Warisan in Sabah due to a hung assembly.

If these three join forces with Harapan at the federal level, then the coalition's number can be as high as 125 seats.

What does it mean for Harapan?

For one, PKR has emerged as the largest party of Harapan. This would allow the coalition to dispel the often repeated claim by BN that it was "dominated" by DAP.

PKR's big boost in the parliamentary seats it won was largely due to the party contesting in mixed seats. 

A Malay wave of revolt coupled with strong Chinese support helped PKR to gain additional 17 parliamentary seats compared to the last general election.

While Bersatu and Amanah also rode on the Malay wave, they typically contested in seats which have big Malay majorities.

However, with fewer anti-establishment Chinese voters in such constituencies, they could not sufficiently mitigate the PAS factor.

What does it mean for BN?

BN won a total of 79 parliamentary seats in the 14th general election.

In Peninsular Malaysia, BN is almost non-existent apart from Umno, which captured 47 seats here.

The MCA saw its seven parliamentary seats reduced to one.

MCA deputy president Wee Ka Siong became the party's sole MP.

Meanwhile, the MIC's parliamentary seats were halved from four to two while Gerakan was wiped out. 

The two MIC seats were won by M Saravanan in Tapah and C Sivarraajh in Cameron Highlands.



All three party heads, namely MCA president Liow Tiong Lai, MIC president S Subramaniam, and Gerakan president Mah Siew Keong were defeated.

Their defeat will likely see a renewed period of uncertainty in the BN component parties and possible internal transition of power favouring the few who survived the general election.

In Sarawak, Umno does not exist, as BN there is led by PBB.

The breakdown of seats in Sarawak after the 14th general election is PBB 13, SUPP 1, PRS 3 and PDP 2.

In Sabah, Umno has seven seats, however, its partners there have also been severely weakened, with PBS, Upko and PBRS all only winning one seat each.

With BN severely weakened and almost reduced to only Umno, it remains to be seen if its East Malaysian component parties will remain in the coalition.

The formation of a new East Malaysia coalition cannot be ruled out.

The outcome of the general election could see a realignment of parties and possible mergers.



What does it mean for PAS?

In the run-up to the general election, Harapan had been touting a "Malay Tsunami" while PAS touted a "Green Tsunami".

Both sides were to some extent right, as Harapan swept the west coast while PAS swept the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia.

BN lose a substantial number of voters to Harapan and PAS, with one getting more than the other depending on states.

PAS remains a relevant force, having won 18 parliamentary seats and is a kingmaker in Perak where there is a hung assembly.

Prior to the general election, there had been many overtures between PAS and BN with talks of forming a Malay Muslim-only government.

Following the general election, even if BN and PAS were to join forces at the federal level, they will only have 97 seats, which is not enough to form the government.

And even if Bersatu decides to recombine with Umno, which is unlikely as it has already won power, the three parties would have a total of 110 parliamentary seats - two short of a majority.

Furthermore, a mono-ethnic, mono-religious coalition will not be acceptable to East Malaysian parties, which could quit the BN as a result.

What's the popular vote in GE14?

According to preliminary data, no single party garnered more than half of the popular vote due to widespread multi-cornered fight.

The preliminary calculation showed Harapan won around 45 percent of the popular vote followed by BN with 32 percent and PAS by 16 percent.

The remaining was won by other smaller parties or independents.


Pakatan Harapan comprises four parties in Peninsular Malaysia, an independent winner and Warisan (Sabah Heritage Party) in Sabah.

Formerly the Alliance Party, Barisan Nasional in Peninsular Malaysia has seen its MCA member win only one seat, whilst its MIC member won two. Gerakan and PPP got no seats. The rest of BN members are in Sabah & Sarawak, so UMNO is the dominant BN member in Peninsular Malaysia.

Pakatan's ethnic representation is much better balanced than BN's.

So we hopefully will be able to look forward to improved inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations under Pakatan.

However, the road ahead will not be smooth sailing for the Pakatan government, especially in the face of external economic factors which may impact upon Malaysia.

There's also plenty of undoing of undesirable legacies left behind by past BN rule.

Also, at our local level, we will still have to continue to push and shove our Pakatan elected representatives to act upon local matters affecting us.

Fortunately, our very helpful and supportive Selangor State Assemblyman, Y.B. Rajiv Rishyakaran of Pakatan/DAP, successfully defended his Bukit Gasing state constituency whilst Maria Chin, running for office for her first time, successfully defended our Petaling Jaya federal constituency (formerly Petaling Jaya Selatan or 'Petaling Jaya South' in English) for Pakatan/PKR to become our Member of Parliament. In this general elections, all candidates of Pakatan member parties in Peninsular Malaysia contested under the banner and logo of Pakatan member party PKR (People's Justice Party)

So now they have no more excuses that as Pakatan state assemblymen or assemblywomen, their abilities to act for us are limited by the Barisan Nasional federal government, since Pakatan now also is the federal government.

Meanwhile, Pakatan won 51 of the 56 seats in the Selangor State Assembly - a landslide win. The pact also won 20 of the 22 parliamentary seats in Selangor.

Pakatan also won Johor state, which was the birthplace of UMNO (United Malays National Organisation).

So now that the elections are over and Pakatan is now the federal government, it has to deliver on its election promises to the people and prove that it can govern well and serve our interests.

As for Mahathir, he was Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister for 22 years, when he ruled as a BN/UMNO Prime Minister but he recently resigned from UMNO, formed his own party Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia or 'Bersatu' or 'Pribumi' for short. During his 22 years he did much good for Malaysia but at the same time laid the foundations for much of what is wrong in Malaysia, during his time and also under his successors. He has said that if elected, he will work to undo that wrong, so it is left to be seen as to how well he will live up to that promise, now as Malaysia's seventh Prime Minister and a Pakatan Prime Minister this time round.

I grudging supported Mahathir in how he handled financial manipulation of Malaysia's currency by foreign currency speculators, especially during the Asian Economic Crisis of 1998 and by pegging the Malaysian Ringgit at RM3.80 tot he U.S. dollar, he enabled Malaysian businesses to quote for projects based upon a predictable exchange rate, since many of these projects involve imported equipment and materials which are quoted and billed in U.S. dollars.

Mahathir's move enabled Malaysia to survive the Asian Economic Crisis relatively well and by making the Ringgit inconvertible to foreign currencies outside Malaysia, Mahathir managed to fend off manipulation of the Ringgit by foreign currency speculators.

It was inconvenient for me, no doubt, especially since I travelled overseas quite often back then and had to convert my money to foreign currency before leaving Malaysia but I was willing to put up with that inconvenience.

The mid-1990s before the Asian Economic Crisis was a golden age of sorts for Malaysia's economy, with employment opportunities galore, businesses booming and a much optimism for the future in the air. However, even after the Asian Economic Crisis hit and those go go days were over, however living costs did not rise to burden the ordinary people like in recent years. Like back then, the price of a can of tuna used to cost around RM3.60 but today it costs close to RM6.00 today.

The Ringgit exchange rate was around RM2.60 to the U.S. Dollar in the mid-1990s, compared to RM3.95 today, thus making imports of finished products or components more expensive domestically.

The weak ringgit has been blamed upon the plunge in the price of Brent Crude oil in late 2014, after which which has remained between US$40 and US$50 a barrel until it rebounded in early 2017 to US$77 per barrel today and the strength of the Ringgit shows a correlation to the price of Brent Crude over these past  few year.

However, the price of Brent Crude was between US$18 and US$19 per barrel in April, May and June 1996, whilst the Ringgit was around US$2.5 to US$2.7 at the time, so this correlation appears to have not applied backthen.

I disagree with how Mahathir's Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim was treated following his fall out with Mahathir and his sacking from UMNO in 1998 and with some of the draconian measures such as the Ops Lallang detentions of political activists and opponents during Mahathir's earlier time as Prime Minister.

Mahathir was no angel back then and now that Mahathir and Anwar are allies again, hopefully Mahathir will deliver on his promise to have Anwar pardoned for his convictions sent him to jail and hopefully, they will be able to work together amicably for the sake of Malaysia and Malaysians. 

Apart from undoing the wrongs with Malaysia, one of the first things the new Mahathir-led government must do is to lower the cost of living.

I'm pretty sure that Mahathir will refocus on his pet initiatives such as the National Car and Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC Malaysia) initiative to develop Malaysia's information technology and multimedia industry. MSC Malaysia appears to have been given a lower priority during the time of Mahathir's successors, so I expect that he will now intensify the government's focus and resources on MSC Malaysia.

As for the Proton National Car project, I how that Mahathir will accept that it is very difficult especially for an relatively new automotive manufacturer from a relatively small developing country such as Malaysia to break into and competed with globally established automotive giants in a mature automotive market which has been consolidating over the past years.

When the established Swedish automotive maker AB Volvo has to sell off its Volvo Cars subsidiary to China's Geely, whilst AB Volvo focuses on trucks, buses, marine diesels, generator sets and soforth, and whilst Ford in the U.S. recently announced that it would be cutting back on its number of car models to two, whilst it focuses on producing trucks, utilities and commercial vehicles, with General Motors expected to follow soon after; this goes to show that the volume car market - essentially a consumer market, is highly saturated and no longer lucrative for these long established automotive pioneers, which are now proverbially moving up the value chain to lower volume, higher value industrial and commercial vehicles, engines and machinery, so the prospects for relatively new a volume car maker such as Proton to survive and thrive in the global volume car market, appear rather bleak, especially when Malaysia has a relatively small domestic car market.


It is for this same reason that computer equipment manufacturers and information systems suppliers such as IBM have disposed of their PC business to the likes of China's Lenovo, whilst established telecommunications giants such as Alcatel, Siemens, Ericsson and other have divested their mobile phone business to manufacturers in China, whilst they concentrate on their higher end and more lucrative telecommunications equipment business.
  
Therefore, letting Proton go into the hands of an volume car maker such as Geely which can sell into the huge China domestic market may be the best option to preserve the jobs of Proton workers, whilst relieving Malaysia of the burden.

Hopefully, Mahathir will consider these points moving forward.
Yours truly

POLITISCHESS



         

Saturday, 21 April 2018

OH WHAT A RELIEF! TIME TO TAKE A BREAK FROM ALL THE NOISE AND THUNDER SINCE 2013 - QUE SERA, SERA!

Hurrah! At long last, Malaysia's general elections is on 9 May 2018.

After almost five long years of non-stop unofficial public politicking by both sides of the political divide, with accusations and counter accusations - whether real or fake, lawsuits and so forth being hurled at each other in  demonstrations, public gatherings, at talks, on social media, in newspaper reports, on websites, blogs and in coffee shop and bar talk, with all this noise and thunder rising to a crescendo in the final 11 days of official campaigning; I'm now going to sit back, watch and wait to cast my vote (for all it's worth) in Malaysia's 14th general elections on 9 May 2018, then stay up all night to watch the results roll in.

Malaysia's political landscape is radically different from back in the 2008 and 2013 general elections, so the results could be radically different this time round.

Back then, on the opposition side was the Pakatan Rakyat (People Pact) comprised of the Democratic Action Party (DAP), a multi-ethnic, though largely Chinese-based, nominally social democratic secular party with strong support mostly in the urban areas, the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) a liberal, multi-ethninc, though largely Malay based party with strong support in urban and semi-urban areas, and the Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS), an exclusively Muslim, multi-ethnic though largely Malay-based party with strong appeal in the rural and semi-rural areas.

On incumbent side was the Barisan Nasional (BN or National Front), a coalition of 13 parties, comprised of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), an exclusively ethnic Malay-based party which is strong in the rural and semi-rural areas, the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), an exclusively Chinese-based party strong in urban and semi-urban areas, the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), an exclusively ethnic-Indian party strong in areas with a sizeable ethnic Indian presence, the multi-ethnic People's Progressive Party, the multi-ethnic Malaysian People's Movement (Gerakan) plus eight other member parties across the water in Sabah and Sarawak.

In addition, there are several unaffiliated parties which supported either the BN or Pakatan Rakyat, such as the Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM), Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) (both of which are opposed to the BN) plus a few other lesser-known parties supporting one or the other side.

The objective of the Pakatan Rakyat was to avoid three or more cornered contests against the Barisan Nasional in each parliamentary or state seat and instead to go one-on-one against the BN member party in each seat. The same is also true for BN component parties.

As a result, whilst the Pakatan Rakyat did not win the federal government in 2008 and 2013, however this arrangement allowed it to deny the BN the two-thirds majority of seats it had hitherto won in parliament in earlier elections. It also enabled the Pakatan Rakyat to win control of five states in 2008 and to hold on to two important states - i.e. Selangor and Penang in 2013.  

Since the 2013 elections, the DAP and PAS fell out over the issue of Islamic law in Kelantan state, eventually leading to the breakup of the Pakatan Rakyat, with PAS becoming unaffiliated. Then the more welfare (kebajikan) oriented faction in PAS split off to form the Parti Amanah Negara (National Trust Party) more popularly known as Amanah, which then joined together with DAP and PKR to form the Pakatan Harapan (Pack of Hope).

Later, Malaysia's former prime minister Tun Dr. Mahathir resigned from UMNO, former deputy prime minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yasin was expelled from UMNO and together with Mahathir's son Mukhriz and some of their supporters who left UMNO - formed the Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), an exclusively ethnic Malay-based party opposite to UMNO. Pribumi was accepted into the Pakatan Harapan, with Tun Dr. Mahathir made the Chairman and now leader of the opposition front.

Very recently, Pribumi's registration was suspended by the Elections Commission due to some incompleteness or errors in its submissions filed, so it was agreed that candidates of all Pakatan Harapan member parties will contest inthe upcoming general elections under a single PKR logo.

The inclusion of Tun Dr. Mahathir into Pakatan Harapan and with him being made its chairman angered some members and loyalists within DAP and PKR, as well as activists within pro-opposition non-governmental organisations (NGOs), who regard him as their arch enemy against whom they so bitterly fought and sacrificed -now being made their comrade and ally in the battle against the incumbent prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak and UMNO and see his inclusion and that of Pribumi into Pakatan Harpan as a betrayal by DAP and PKR party leaders.

However, to what extent this will influence voters' sentiment is left to be seen in the results of the 9th May 2018 general elections.

The biggest difference between the upcoming 14th general elections and those in 2013 and 2008 is that this time, we will see three or more cornered fights in over half the seats contested, with PAS drawing away votes from the PKR, DAP, Amanah and Pribumi candidate (all contesting under the PKR logo) and the DAP, PKR, Amanah and especially with the Pribumi candidate (all contesting under the PKR logo) drawing away the votes of Mahathir loyalists from the UMNO's or another BN member party's candidate who may be contesting a seat.

It's hard to tell how the upcoming 14th general elections will turn out come the morning after on 10th or May 2018, so we'll just have to wait and see whether BN wins again, Pakatan (contesting under the PKR logo) wins and for once in Malaysian history forms a different government, or whether Malaysia ends up with a hung parliament and a dysfunctional democracy.

At our last meeting with my remisier, he told us that whatever the outcome of the general elections, life will have to go on. We will still have to eat, we'll still have to fill our car with petrol, our children will still go to school, manufacturers will still manufacturer, retailers will still sell, buyers will still buy,some shares will go up, some will go down, whilst some continue to go sideways - just know which ones are going up.

When is was a boy, my father used to often burst out singing, "Que sera, sera, whatever will be, will be. The future's not ours to see, que sera, sera".

Then one day when I was around seven years old, I asked my father, "Daddy, why do you keep singing that stupid song?" and he replied, "I'll sing any song I like".

Well, I never imagined back then, that nearly 57 years later, I would be singing (well actually saying), "Que sera, sera"

Yes! Come the results of the 14th general elections - Que sera, sera!

Anyway, it's all been a load of politischeiss all these years, with latter day warlords battling latter day warlords, whilst rallying gullible plebeians to their respective sides.

Meanwhile, enjoy!

Yours truly

POLITISCHESS



         

Sunday, 25 March 2018

CLASH OF DIFFERENT INTERESTS IN ELECTIONS

We all live in our different political echo chambers, whether in our circle of friends, acquaintances, work colleagues, business associates, coffee shop discussions, in bars over beer or in some social media group, to the extent that we eventually come round to proverbially "eat our own dog food" and believe that every one else beyond our little circle has the same political views and priorities as us and will vote the same way as us.

However, time and time again, after the election results roll in, we wonder why the political coalition we though would lose, instead won with a pretty decent majority and we then hurl all sorts of epithets and accusations at those who voted for our nemesis,including denouncing them as "ignorant", "easily bought off" and so forth.

What we, comfortable in our urban, middle-class circles do not realise however, is that such "deplorables" (to borrow Clinton's term during the 2016 U.S. Presidential elections), may have different pressing concerns than ours, such as whilst they may be more concerned over a lack of clean and reliable electricity and water supply in their areas, we are more concerned that the 10Mbps fibre Internet service we have subscribed to only delivers 8Mbps at best or that according to Speedtest.net, fixed Internet download speeds in our neighbour Singapore clocked 180.61 Mbps on average between Q4 2016 and Q1 2017; or whilst residents in public housing flats in Pantai Dalam or Kampung Kerinchi may have have had to take the stairs up 20 storeys because the lifts had broken down or are slow and have not been repaired for a long time despite repeated complaints, residents in Bangsar (a prime middle and upper-middle class residential area across the Federal Highway which comes under the same parliamentary constituency of Lembah Pantai), may complain about the the high price of luxury cars due to the weak ringgit exchange rate to the U.S. dollar, plus the import tariffs on the car, or about the high price of premium single-malt whisky, premium brandy or wine.

Rarely do we get to hear or read accounts by people who have gone down to the ground and have assessed these different concerns first hand.

Following below is an article by The Star's Philip Golingai on Saturday, 24 Mar 2018 which describes the different concerns which he observed first hand amongst people on the ground in Sabah as well as rural and semi-rural parts of Malaysia, and how these influence voting patterns amongst such people.

Different bubbles, different stories - One Man's Meat

by philip golingai
Saturday, 24 Mar 2018


AN armchair politico based in Petaling Jaya got out of his WhatsApp bubble and visited Kota Kinabalu for business.

In my hometown, he spoke to Uber drivers, businessmen and salesgirls. Two days into his trip, he excitedly called me.

“The Opposition will win Sabah!!!” he said.

Surprised, I asked: “On what basis?”

“I spoke to Sabahans and overwhelmingly they said they will vote against Barisan Nasional,” he said.

“Can I guess where you went?” I said.

“Yes,” he said.

“Did you go to Api Api, Luyang, Likas, Inanam, Kapayan and Moyog?” I said, na­ming state seats that were in or adjacent to Kota Kinabalu.

“I think so,” he said.

I then asked him to describe the places where he did his political tourism. They matched my guess. And I had to burst his bubble.

“Of course you think the Opposition will win, because you visited seats that the Opposition had won in GE13,” I said.

“Try going to other seats next to Kota Kina­balu, such as Tanjung Aru, Petagas and Ka­­ram­bunai. Visit the Bajau villages. Visit the ‘photocopy’ Malaysians in Pulau Gaya or visit Putatan town,” I said.

“The voters will tell a different story. These seats are Umno strongholds.”

In GE13, Barisan Nasional won 48 out of the 60 Sabah state seats. And if my armchair politico friend travelled to other seats in the East Coast or East Coast and in the interior that Barisan had won, he would have been utterly disappointed.

But then again, he might not, as he would have probably spoken to people in town areas and he would have got the impression that Sabah was black for Barisan.

He needs to get out of town to see political reality.

(In political intelligence lingo, black means seats that Barisan will lose; grey is for seats that can go either way and white is seats that Barisan will win.)

The moral of this story is that if you remain in your urban political bubble, you’ll think the Opposition will win. There are other poli­tical bubbles outside your bubble. And they tell a different story.

The other thing is that Uber and Grab dri­vers are also a misleading source of political information.

I’ve taken Uber and Grab in Alor Setar, Ipoh, Petaling Jaya, Kuala Lumpur, Johor Baru, Kuala Terengganu, Kota Baru, Kuching and Kota Kinabalu. And, in my unscientific survey, I would say six out of 10 of them are anti-government.

These are the type who blame Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak for everything.

One of the main reasons is that they don’t want to be a “glamorous” ride-hailing driver. But they have to work full-time or part-time for Grab or Uber because they have to. And they blame Najib for their career choice.

Three out of 10 are neutral or clueless about politics. They have no interest in politics.

They don’t know that Amanah exists. Or that DAP’s Taiping MP Nga Kor Ming may challenge Gerakan president Datuk Seri Mah Siew Keong for the Teluk Intan MP seat. Or that the motion on the Election Commission’s redelineation exercise will be tabled on Wednesday.

What they know is Malaysian pop diva Datuk Seri Siti Nurhaliza is now a mother and her baby weighs 3.55kg and was delivered by Caesarean section at 8.17am on Monday.

One out of 10 are pro-Barisan or are neutral. Neutral as in the driver is not rigidly black and white in his political views. He’s reasonable as he sees the grey in politics.

Back to my favourite topic – political bubbles.

When you go out of your urban political bubble and enter the rural Malay bubble, it is a different world.

However, many urban voters have not stepped out of the Klang Valley and visit the Ulu Tebrau Felda settlement in Johor or Kampung Tanjung Siam in Pedu, Kedah.

These are rural seats dominated by Umno and PAS.

Why do you think Pakatan Harapan accepted Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia into its fold? It knows that without PAS, it can’t make a dent in the rural Malay seats.

The rural voters have different needs. Which reminds me of a conversation I had with a Sabah MP.

“MPs from Klang Valley will bring up issues such as slow Internet connection, whereas MPs from Sarawak will be asking why there is no electricity or water supply in the consti­tuency,” he said.

A DAP MP, representing a constituency that has pockets of Malay villages, explained to me what parachuted potential opposition candidates were doing wrong when they spoke to rural voters.

“They talk about 1MDB. For the villagers, it is a complex issue. They don’t understand or care about the issue. What they are interested is whether the price of rubber will go up or whether they can get a fertiliser subsidy,” he said.

A PAS assemblyman in Kedah told me that rural Malay voters were swayed by the 3Rs – religion, race and royalty. An Amanah politician in Johor lamented that it was difficult to win over villagers as Umno took care of them from birth to wedding to funeral.

When the armchair politico returned to Petaling Jaya, he WhatsApp-ed me: “What’s carpet bombing (a Sabah term that means voters bombed with money)?”

Looks like he is beginning to understand a political bubble outside his.



Pardon the digression but most Uber drivers being anti-establishment hmmm!!! Well I've heard that one of my former colleagues who wrote for the information technology pullout of The Star and later for its information technology pages for many years, had fairly recently left to drive Uber.

Well with The Star reportedly planning to offer up to 200 staff a mutual separation scheme (MSS) - basically a retrenchment package, plus The Star's report on 23 February 2018 that business weekly Focus Malaysia's new owner Inno Mind Works, a digital branding and marketing agency, was expected back then to have had plans to retrench two thirds of its current staff and with The Malaysian Insight's Editor and Chief Executive Officer, Jahabar Sadiq announcing Friday 23 March 2018 that the online-only publication would suspend publication "next week" (from today, I suppose) https://www.themalaysianinsight.com/s/44666/ I would not be surprised at all if many more veteran journalists will end up having to drive Uber or Grab for a living.

After all, taxis are one of the few industries which provide mass employment in the much touted "Information Age", whilst "Second Wave" manufacturing and assembly plants ("sunset industries" according to futurist paperback writers who have since vanished off the media and seminar circuit radar screens, especially since the financial crisis of 2007-2008) are moving to lower wage neighbouring countries such as Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand and China, all of which are experiencing a sunrise thanks to the arrival of more of these "sunset industries" which provide their people with mass employment opportunities.

Now back to the main topic of this post, in the following article in the Malay Mail of 4 October 2017, Kamles Kumar describes the clash of priorities between the elites and "deplorables" within the Lembah Pantai consituency itself, and urban constituency on the edge of Kuala Lumpur.


In Lembah Pantai, class divide hints which way votes will go | Malaysia

By Kamles Kumar

Wednesday October 4, 2017



Pak Abu has run a local grocer in Taman Angkasa for over 20 years. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa
Pak Abu has run a local grocer in Taman Angkasa for over 20 years. — Picture by Yusof Mat IsaKUALA LUMPUR, Oct 4 — Lembah Pantai in Kuala Lumpur is not just home to the affluent Bangsar enclave, but also a significant working class in Pantai Dalam and Kerinchi.

Separated by the Federal Highway, the middle- and upper-middle class residents of the former area live virtually detached from neighbours in the flats and government quarters who are also voters in the same constituency.

The class distinction makes the urban seat one with a split personality, and one that will be closely watched amid rumours that incumbent Nurul Izzah Anwar (PKR) may make way for another candidate.

She defeated two ministers in succession to take and keep the seat, first Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil in 2008 and Datuk Raja Nong Chik Raja Zainal Abidin in 2013.

Raja Nong Chik is now rumoured to be eyeing a comeback in the seat.

Ahead of the 14th general election, Malay Mail Online visited the constituency to discover vastly different attitudes among voters there.

Those in Bangsar were more politically aware and wanted a representative who could speak on national issues, such as policies and laws.

Over in Pantai Dalam and Kerinchi, respondents valued a lawmaker who was accessible and could be seen serving his/her electorate.

They said they preferred an MP who was concerned about their immediate welfare and prepared to contribute to local events such as celebrations, deaths, and weddings.

Residents of the Taman Angkasa flats in Pantai Dalam still sang Raja Nong Chik’s praises, and noted that the former federal territories and urban wellbeing minister was regularly present despite his defeat to Nurul Izzah nearly five years ago.

Criticising the incumbent as absent, one resident pointedly compared Raja Nong Chik to her father, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, and said both men were from the generation of politicians that put in the work meeting constituents.

Retiree Haji Mansor Ibrahim shops for groceries at Lembah Pantai. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa

Retiree Haji Mansor Ibrahim shops for groceries at Lembah Pantai. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa

“Nong Chik is like Anwar, he is always on the ground unlike his daughter. The daughter doesn’t come here often. Her father is good, not her,” the man known as Pak Abu told Malay Mail Online when met.

Pak Abu has run a local grocer here for over 20 years, and said one of the reasons he has been able to sustain the business is because of Nong Chik.

Another resident, 67-year-old Haji Mansor Ibrahim, also accused Nurul Izzah of making false and empty promises, and said there was growing discontent with her among residents here.

“She comes for awhile and then leaves. She doesn’t even sit and listen to our complaints. She is posing in pictures, it is just that. Nothing is real,” he laments.

Raja Nong Chik’s latest contribution to the community was to paint all the blocks in the flat units here, drawing praise from residents.

Surroundings of the low-cost Taman Angkasa Flats in Lembah Pantai. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa
Surroundings of the low-cost Taman Angkasa Flats in Lembah Pantai. — Picture by Yusof Mat IsaThey were particularly taken by the fact that he continued to serve despite losing in 2013.

“Even though they (BN) has lost two times here, development is still done here. We get facilities. Recently, Nong Chik painted all the blocks without us asking. That is how a MP is supposed to be,” businessman Khalid Ibrahim told Malay Mail Online.

The theme of Nurul Izzah’s rarity was not unique to the Malay community, with the complaint also repeated among Indian voters.

Kerinchi PPR resident Iyan Perumal has voted four times in Lembah Pantai. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa
Kerinchi PPR resident Iyan Perumal has voted four times in Lembah Pantai. — Picture by Yusof Mat IsaKerinchi public housing resident Iyan Perumal said Nurul Izzah is too busy making a name for herself on the national level to be bothered about the welfare of the folks in her constituency.

“She doesn’t really help much. She’s done nothing much, especially for the Indians

“She speaks for herself, not for us. She speaks in Parliament because she wants to be heard,” he told Malay Mail Online when met.

In remarks that suggest a brewing backlash among Lembah Pantai’s hoi polloi, they also blamed voters in affluent Bangsar for subjecting them to two terms of representation by the PKR vice president.

They accused her of bias towards the middle class, unlike Raja Nong Chik whom they claimed paid more heed to them.

“She appears only in Bangsar area. If not she won’t be here. We ask her come here also to no avail. She talks more to the Chinese. That’s why they vote for her,” Salleh Asnawi from Kerinchi told Malay Mail Online.

Pak Abu said that the voters in Pantai Dalam, especially in the Taman Angkasa area, were solidly behind BN and — if he is selected — Raja Nong Chik.

Moving to Bangsar, the response to Nurul Izzah was markedly more favourable.

For Bangsar-born business development manager Mayilai Kumaran Jeyaratnam, Nurul Izzah’s contributions transcended Lembah Pantai.

Businessman Anuar Puteh believes the Opposition has made Lembah Pantai a better constituency. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa
Businessman Anuar Puteh believes the Opposition has made Lembah Pantai a better constituency. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa“She is an agent of change. She is a more able MP than Nong Chik would be. People want a change in the whole country, so they vote for her,” the 29-year old said.

Businessman Anuar Puteh from Lucky Garden said that as people in the constituency were independent and well-off, they did not rely on federal aid or handouts from the lawmaker to go about their lives.

He said they were also more forgiving as they understood that Nurul Izzah was an opposition MP.

“Her budget is limited and what she raises sometimes is not bothered by the federal government,” he said.

The former civil servant also said Nurul Izzah has helped her consistency by raising matters in Dewan Rakyat that also affect the people in the area.

“I’m not taking any sides, but she has raised relevant issues in Parliament. We have to pay for tax and it’s our money.

“We should know as citizens how our money is being spent. We have rights and MPs help raise this on our behalf,” Anuar added.

The affinity for Nurul Izzah in the more affluent sections of Lembah Pantai also was not personal to her, with respondents saying they would support the candidate after her, in the event that rumours of her moving are true.

Long-time Bangsar resident Tony Eu pledged his unwavering support to PKR and Nurul Izzah. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa
Long-time Bangsar resident Tony Eu pledged his unwavering support to PKR and Nurul Izzah. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa“The current state of affairs is very bad. We will vote for the Opposition, we want them to win. There is no problem in another candidate, as long it is nominated by her,” 74-year-old Tony Eu told Malay Mail Online.

Some Lembah Pantai voters have also expressed disillusionment, saying they may not even vote in the coming polls.

A 29-year-old accountant who only wanted to be known as Nisa said she was jaded with the attack politics common on both sides.

“It’s always politicians whacking politicians. We are not moving forward. We are selfish. I might not vote at all,” she said.


In the 2013 general elections, Nurul Izzah Anwar of the PKR (Anwar Ibrahim's daughter), beat Raja Nong Chik of the BN to hold Lembah Pantai by a slim majority of of 1,847 in a total ballot of 60,366 valid votes, whilst in the 2008 general election, Nurul beat Sharizat Abdul Jalil of the BN by a majority of 2.895 votes out of 41.050 valid votes to capture Lembah Pantai for the PKR .

Nothing confirmed yet, but right now, hints have emerged that Nurul Izzah may be moved to contest in a safer seat in the upcoming 2018 general elections, which could be called in late April or early May.

So will the elites or the "deplorables" prevail in Lembah Pantai in the 2018 general elections, especially when there will now be a three cornered fight between PKR, BN and PAS, according to the blank tally table recently put up on Wikipedia?

Yours truly

Politischeiss



Thursday, 28 September 2017

WILL THREE CORNERED CONTESTS SEE SELANGOR FALL BACK TO THE BARISAN NASIONAL?

It's always interesting to read what the Chinese language newspapers in Malaysia have to say about Malaysian politics, translated into English and published on the Malaysian Chinese News portal, and I must say they have some pretty astute analysts.


Following the fairly recent fallout between the secular-oriented Democratic Action Party and Islamic-oriented Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) since the 2013 general elections and the subsequent breakup of the Pakatan Rakyat (People's Pact) coalition of which DAP, PAS and People's Justice Party (PKR), especially the Selangor state government or more particularly its Chief Minister Azmin Ali have been very worried about the possibility of losing seats to the Barisan Nasional (National front) coalition, especially coalition partner the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which has been winning elections and the control of the Federal government since 1955, two years before Malaysia gained independence from Britain in 1957. Following the breakup of the Pakatan Rakyat, a breakaway faction from PAS formed a party called Parti Amanah Negara ("PAN" or "Amanah" for short) which formed a new pact the Pakatan Harapan (Pact of Hope) together with the DAP and PKR. Then following the departure of former prime minister Tun Dr. Mahathir and some comrades from UMNO, they formed a new party called Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (roughly translated as "Malaysian United Indigenous persons Party" or "Pribumi" for short, which subsequently became the fourth member of Pakatan Harapan with Tun Dr. Mahathir as Chairman.

The Pakatan Harapan in Selangor or more particularly its pact member PKR is especially concerned over the possibility of losing to the UMNO/BN especially in three cornered fights for a state seat between UMNO, PKR and PAS and has been desperately trying to convince PAS not to split the opposition vote and let the UMNO/BN candidate win the seat, even is only with the largest minority of votes.

To understand their fears, just take a look at the results of elections for the Kota Damansara state seat in 2008 and 2013.

In 2008, it was a one-on-one contest between Dr. Nasir Hashim of the Parti Sosialis Malaysia who however contested under the PKR banner versus Zein Isma Ismail of UMNO/BN. Dr. Nasir received 11,846 votes of 52.38% versus 10,771 votes or 47.62% to Zein Isma, so Dr. Nasir won Kota Damnasara with a slim majority of votes in this marginal state seat.

However, in 2013, PAS contested in a six-cornered fight between Dr. Nasir who ran under the PKR banner, Halimaton Saadiah Bohan of UMNO/BN and three independent candidates and Dr. Nasir got 14,860 votes or 38.33%, Ridzuan Ismail of PAS got 7,312 votes or 18.86%, Halimaton got 16,387 votes or 42.27% whilst three independents got a total of a mere 212 votes or a total of 0.55%. So Halimaton of UMNO/BN won Kota Damansara with the largest minority or 42.27% of the votes in Kota Damansara.

At that time, PAS was still a member of the Pakatan Rakyat, so except for Kota Damansara, there were one-on-one contests (not counting the independents who win an insignificant number of votes anyway) in most other Selangor state seats contested.

However, now that PAS is on its own, it has said that it will contest in 42 of Selangor's 56 state seats and if the above result in Kota Damansara is repeated, with three or more cornered fights in the 42 seats contested, PAS may well lose but let the UMNO/BN candidate win with the largest minority and Selangor could fall back into BN hands.

Without PAS, the Pakatan Harapan has a slim majority of 29 out of 56 seats in the Selangor State Assembly, PAS has 13, Barisan Nasional 12 and two independents, so the loss of a few seats to UMNO BN in the upcoming 14th general elections in 2018 can well result in the BN winning Selangor.     

On the other hand, Pribumi could well split the UMNO vote, since Dr. Mahathior still retains some appeal amongs UMNO voters though there has been no precedent of this before, so itis hard to say how well or badly Pribumi will fare in three-cornered fights with UMNO/BN and PAS, assuming that no other Pakatan Harapan member party will contest against anoter in a given seat.

Given the very different political scenario in Malaysia today, the outcome of the 14th general elections will be very interesting to watch.

Kwong Wah Daily's take on this question follows below.

Yours trully

IT.Scheiss
http://selangorscheiss.blogspot.my/
http://politischeiss.blogspot.my/

Who would win in three-cornered fights?
Posted on 28/09/2017 | 10:58 0 Posted in Kwong Wah Daily

PAS is prepared for three-cornered fights in the coming election. DAP, Pribumi Bersatu and Parti Amanah have all geared up for the tough fights while only PKR seems to be still harboring some lingering hope.

The Pakatan Harapan supreme council has recently resolved and signed an agreement to terminate relations with PAS. However, the pro-PAS faction in PKR is still unwilling to follow but continues to deal with PAS, with the support of Anwar. If that is the case, is the agreement signed by Wan Azizah still valid? Does it mean that Wan Azizah is incapable of making decisions, Azmin is weak and Anwar is blur?

This article is focus on the assessment of the politics in Selangor.

Will the PKR-led Selangor state government change hands because of three-cornered fights? Azmin does not have the full confidence. PKR Women chief Zuraida shows pessimism but Rafizi, the promoter of INVOKE opinion polls, has no fear of three-cornered fights. The two factions have opposing views.

Pakatan partner DAP will contest in Chinese-dominated constituencies. PAS said it would contest in 42 seats constituencies, of which only one will encroach into DAP domain. DAP has 15 seats which it won with high majority votes (even the lowest majority reached 1,702 votes). As such, the cutting of ties between Pakatan Harapan and PAS will not have much effect on DAP’s election results.

Pribumi Bersatu which is starting with zero seat would of course like to see the departure of PAS so that it could share with Parti Amanah the 20 constituencies contested by PAS in the last election (PKR fought in one of them). However, PKR Selangor doesn’t seem bold enough to charge ahead. It is looking back at PAS while trying to sort out the distribution of the 20 constituencies.

Based on the results of the last election, Barisan’s strength is in the north. Except for the Chinese-dominated Sekinchan and Kuala Kubu Baru which were won by DAP, it was blue all the way to the north. PKR made some gains in and around Kuala Lumpur while PAS won in some suburban areas. DAP swept all the urban and suburban seats in Chinese-dominated areas. Chinese support of DAP was at its highest.

Without the Chinese votes and the support of PKR, PAS is likely to retreat to its original spot. In 2004, it was swept aside by the popularity of the new Prime Minister Abdullah and did not win anything.

PAS has failed to assess its own strength. It is still deep in its Utopian dream and one finds it difficult to track its mindset. Three-cornered fights would be suicidal for the party.

In reality, the Selangor state government depends on how much Malay votes the PKR, Pribumi Bersatu and Parti Amanah partnership can win. There is high possibility that PKR can retain the 14 urban and suburban seats, including the seat held by Khalid who has left the party. The fight will be intense for the 13 rural seats held by PAS and similarly for the 12 UMNO seats. With all the trouble created by PAS, it would be difficult for Pakatan Harapan to take any of the 12 UMNO seats.

PAS political base in Selangor is not very strong. Nevertheless, its defeated candidates in all the past elections were able to keep their deposits. It means they still enjoy certain support, about 20 to 30 percent, of the Malay votes in rural areas while the same goes for PKR in rural areas. UMNO can win 35 to 60 percent rural Malay votes but it must be able to garner over 55 percent Malay votes to win the state constituencies as 70 to 80 percent Chinese votes would go to Pakatan.

In a three-cornered fight, PAS supporters will vote for PAS while Pakatan Harapan has to depend on votes won by Pribumi Bersatu and Parti Amanah. Based on Pakatan Harapan’s leadership structure, only two Pribumi Bersatu leaders were included in the lineup, one less than DAP and Parti Amanah. Azmi seems to look up to Parti Amanah but still has doubts on Pribumi Bersatu headed by Mahathir.

My personal assessment is that Parti Amanah can take away 20 percent of PAS votes and Pribumi Bersatu can take away 10 to 15 percent UMNO votes. After all the calculations, three-cornered fights will benefit neither Pakatan Harapan nor Barisan Nasional and a bitter fight will be unavoidable. PAS is bound to suffer massive defeats unless it has some hidden dealings with Barisan.
Original Source: 三角战谁得利?

http://www.malaysianchinesenews.com/2017/09/who-would-win-in-three-cornered-fights/

Sunday, 20 December 2015

A RECOMMENDED BOOK IF YOU WANT TO UNDERSTAND MALAYSIA'S CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION

An childhood friend who spent seven years in Malaysia during the 1960s when he studied at Victoria Institution, Kuala Lumpur was pretty horrified at the state of Malaysian politics as described in the book by S. Thayaparan, Commander (retired) Royal Malaysian Navy. My friend bought the book whilst browsing a bookshop in Kuala Lumpur yesterday.

Originally a Thai national and now an Australian citizen, he left Malaysia in the late 1960s to continue his studies in Australia and last visited Malaysia in 2004 or over 12 years ago.

Having read through some chapters I find that Commander Thayaparan's description of Malaysian politics in both the ruling and opposition camps very much concurs with mine, especially with regards to how both sides play the race and religion card, with the main antagonisms right now being between ethnic Malays and Chinese and between Muslims and Christians, which have especially worsened since the May 2013 general elections.

Whilst mainly opposed to the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front coalition), Thayaparan pulls no punches in his criticism of the follies and weaknesses of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (People's Pact). The book was Published in 2014, before the fallout between the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and the formation of a new opposition pact the Pakatan Harapan (Pact of Hope), comprised of the DAP, People's Justice Party Malaysia (PKR) and Amanah (formed by a breakaway faction of PAS).

Being and ethnic Indian and presumably a Hindu by religion, Thayaparan has the advantage of being able to step back and observe the current and increasingly polarised and dysfunctional political mess in Malaysia from a detached, objective, unemotional perspective. He also sees the situation from the real-political perspective of how matters are, rather than from an idealist perspective of how they should be but are not - well at least not yet. He also chides especially those in the opposition camp and their mostly urban-based supporters who tend to condemn the rural voters of being "stupid" or "ignorant" for continuing to vote for the ruling party for reasons of their own economic survival, when they should be reaching out to such voters and win them over with better solutions to their immediate concerns than the ruling party has done so far.

Commander Thayaparan writes in a witty and highly readable style, which got me laughing at some parts over the naive, short sightedness of the opposition and their supporters, as well as their intolerance of any criticism, even from opposition supporters. This by the way is what has made me step back too, when I previously insisted on believing that the opposition are political angels who could do no wrong.

Whilst his book has received endorsements from key members of opposition parties, in my humble opinion. I believe that with the fallout between the DAP and PAS, the opposition has suffered a serious setback, especially in terms of its ability of the urban-oriented DAP and PKR to reach out to the rural constituents whom PAS has influence with and who currently deliver the majority of parliamentary seats to the ruling party, and which can potentially split the vote in the ruling party's favour in three-cornered fights, or so the opposition fears.

Speculation aside, we will only know the actual mood of voters at the next general election in 2018, though I would not be surprised if the opposition pact gets fewer seats.

My friend who studied political science in Australia and at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, tends to agree with me that we cannot view especially Asian politics from our elite, urban, English and Western educated perspective, but rather we should from the socio-economic-cultural perspective of the masses who form the bulk of voters in elections.

I strongly recommend, Commander Thayaparan's NO COUNTRY FOR RIGHTEOUS MEN AND OTHER ESSAYS IN A CULTURE OF OFFENDEDNESS.

Politischeiss
http://politischeiss.blogspot.my/